I came to architecture first as a designer, working to create buildings before I discovered that much of my professional life would be spent trying to explain them. I did this as a writer and editor, in rooms where architecture was treated as a cultural subject and where one could still hope, for a little while, that language about buildings might remain uncontaminated by the pressures of money, prestige, and institutional need. I did it later inside a university, where architecture was spoken of as a discipline, a heritage, almost a moral imperative. And I have done it inside large firms, where the work is at once more practical and more revealing. Here one is brought very quickly to the fact that architecture, whatever else it may be, is also a business, and a costly one. And someone must persuade someone else to buy it.
Persuasion is the end to which all of this language, sooner or later, is directed. A building does not rise because a theory has elegance or because a rendering has atmosphere or because an architect has suffered nobly for the craft. A building rises because a client commissions it, money is assembled, interests align, and a great many people decide to move together to create an object that does not yet exist. This is one of the conditions in which architecture enters the world. But it is a condition the profession has often preferred to veil in more flattering language. One hears that firms are advancing discourse, shaping the future, convening thought, driving innovation, elevating conversation. These phrases move through the profession the way carpet moves through a corporate lobby. They are everywhere. They soften everything. And they ensure that no footfall is heard.
Architecture firms communicate because they need work. They need clients, commissions, relevance, survival. That fact is neither scandal nor revelation. It is simply the ground on which any honest account of professional speech must begin.
In 1909, the AIA formally adopted ethical rules that treated advertising and solicitation as beneath the dignity of the profession. For decades that posture helped define how architects presented themselves and how they imagined themselves. The architect was not to advertise in the vulgar manner of tradespeople. One was not to scramble publicly for work, and above all, one was not to appear hungry. The consummate professional was to be chosen for excellence that announced itself without needing to be announced. Good work would speak for itself.
Beginning in the 1970s, antitrust actions dismantled many of these prohibitions. A few celebrated designers had already been cultivating public identities through books, exhibitions, and product lines, and their visibility shaped how the public imagined the architect. Large firms and many smaller studios followed more gradually. Over decades, they assembled the elaborate communications infrastructure now commonplace across the profession. But by the time architects could speak more openly, other American institutions had already spent decades learning how to make a subject vivid in public life.
In 1895, John Deere began publishing The Furrow, a magazine for farmers that spoke to the problems, knowledge, and seasonal rhythms that organized life on the land. The Michelin brothers published a guide that helped create a culture of travel, teaching people where to eat and how to move through the world, and the guide eventually became one of the most influential culinary institutions on earth. IBM, through Charles and Ray Eames, sponsored exhibitions and films that made the public feel that mathematics, information, and systems were not remote abstractions but part of modern life itself. Though these efforts had clear self-interest, their genius lay in understanding that when you help people care about a subject, you may not need to tell them to care about you. They will make the connection themselves, and they will make it more deeply because you did not force it. These were companies selling to consumers by the millions. Architecture firms sell to a handful of institutions. But many of those institutions—public agencies, municipalities, school districts, transit authorities—operate within a public culture. A public that understands what architecture does, what it costs to do poorly and what it makes possible when done well, is a public more likely to demand it, fund it, and fight for it.
Walk through any large architecture firm today and you will find an elaborate apparatus of public speech: marketing teams, communications directors, research groups, social media managers, videographers, editors, strategists, brand leads, conference planners, award writers, and proposal specialists who produce all manner of publication programs, podcasts, internal newsletters, external newsletters, performance reports, climate reports, equity statements, market insights, trend forecasts, interview series, photography libraries, and more. The profession, having once regarded such labor with suspicion, has embraced it with remarkable thoroughness. But an apparatus may be extensive without being especially adventurous. The more stakeholders who must approve a statement, the more likely the statement is to return to the familiar modes of expertise, distinction, and institutional assurance. The logic is not difficult to follow: A firm’s clients are also its subject matter. To speak candidly about housing policy or the failures of public procurement or the way value engineering strips dignity from a school is to risk implicating the very entities that sign the contracts. The profession’s reticence is a rational response to a financial dependency that makes honesty expensive.
The communications that result from this posture are polished, and many of them are genuinely intelligent. But they rarely stray far from the work of proving competence, clarifying value, and reinforcing identity. Large firms have learned to express themselves with sophistication and in doing so have produced a landscape of polished surfaces reflecting only each other.
All of this would matter less if architecture were merely a private service with private consequences, but it contours our lived experience across the buildings, landscapes, and cities we inhabit. Of course, most people will never hire an architect and could not name five living architects, yet these same people move every day through places shaped by the decisions they had no part in making. These are environments they cannot avoid. Architecture forms the stage on which public life occurs, and usually it is provided to us without our input or permission.
That fact imposes a civic burden that transcends business development. It imposes a public obligation of explanation. I do not mean the familiar effort to reassure the public of architecture’s virtue or importance. There is enough of that already. I mean the more demanding labor of inspiring people to care about our built environment enough to approach it with genuine curiosity, judgment, and delight.
Mere promotion knows in advance what it wants to say. But architecture is larger than the institutions that practice it and stranger and more enduring. It settles into memory and routine, into frustration and attachment. It becomes part of how ordinary life is felt. To speak about it well requires the patience to remain with the subject long enough for it to disclose something of itself.
A firm that undertook such work fully could not remain forever in the safe register of expertise. It would have to show buildings beyond the moment of unveiling, in the long afterlife of use. It would have to show how architecture works on people over time, how it organizes movement and attention, how public space succeeds or fails, how the built world settles into the habits of daily life. It would have to help the public see architecture less as a distant professional specialty and more as a discipline that structures the environments that the public inhabits every day.
This is an opportunity for large firms, as they possess the means to publish, exhibit, document, interpret, and teach. They can use those means to clarify what architecture is doing around us all the time. They can show how a transit station orders the day of a city; how a school shapes the life of attention; how a terminal, a library, a street, or a waiting room becomes part of the unnoticed structure of daily experience. They can do more than advance their own names.
None of this requires abandoning the work of corporate communications. Firms must still secure commissions, build relationships, and sustain themselves, and the communications teams within them are often doing that work with intelligence and care. The limits described here are not failures of effort so much as the result of an apparatus oriented toward institutional ends.
That apparatus, however, could be directed more broadly. It could distinguish a firm not only by what it has made but by how it makes architecture intelligible to the public.
I have spent enough time inside the machinery of architectural communications to know its limits but also its possibility. I would not have remained in this work if I believed it was merely decorative, manipulative, or just an elegant instrument for the pursuit of work. I remain because architecture, entangled as it is with money, power, image, and ambition, still requires language equal to its consequences. And because a firm, in speaking with genuine care about architecture, may sometimes do more than advance its own name. It may deepen the public’s connection to the discipline the firm exists to serve.
Sean Joyner is a Los Angeles–based writer and communications professional. His essays on architecture have appeared in publications including The Architect’s Newspaper, Architect, Dwell, and Archinect, where he served as an editor. He has worked in communications across the architecture profession, from academia to large corporate practice.
